Charles Haughey

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An Taoiseach Charles J. Haughey

Image:Charles J. Haughey.jpg

Rank 6th Taoiseach
First term  December 11, 1979 -
June 30, 1981
Preceded by Jack Lynch
Succeeded by Garret FitzGerald
Second term  March 9, 1982 -
December 14, 1982
Preceded by Garret FitzGerald
Succeeded by Garret FitzGerald
Third term  March 10, 1987 -
February 11, 1992
Preceded by Garret FitzGerald
Succeeded by Albert Reynolds
Date of birth Wednesday, September 16, 1925
Place of birth Mayo, Ireland
Party Fianna Fáil
Profession Accountant

Charles Haughey (Irish name Cathal Ó hEochaidh; born on September 16, 1925), was the sixth Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland, serving three terms in office; 1979 to 1981, March 1982 to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was the fourth leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 until 1992.

Charlie Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a TD for Dublin in 1957, and was re-elected at each election until 1992. Haughey also served as Minister for Health & Social Welfare (1977-1979), Minister for Finance (1966-1970), Minister for Agriculture (1964-1966) and Minister for Justice (1961-1964). He also served as a Parliamentary Secretary. Haughey is credited with transforming the economy in the late 1980s, however revelations of his financial dealings and corruption have weakened his popularity among many in recent years.

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Early Life

Charles James Haughey was born on September 16, 1925, in Castlebar, County Mayo. Both his parents were born and reared in County Londonderry (referred to as Derry in the Republic of Ireland), which became part of Northern Ireland in 1922. His father was an officer first in the IRA, then in the Irish Army. Not long after Haughey's birth his father developed multiple sclerosis and had to retire from the army. The Haughey family then moved to Dublin. Haughey was educated at St. Joseph's CBS in Marino, Dublin, where one of his classmates was George Colley, the man who would later become his cabinet colleague and great rival in Fianna Fáil. Following his secondary education Haughey studied at University College Dublin, where he qualified as an accountant, and King's Inns, where he qualified as a barrister. It was here where Haughey became interested in politics and also where he met another of his great political rivals, Garret FitzGerald. After leaving university Haughey worked as an accountant with the firm Haughey, Boland & Company.

Haughey married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, in 1951.

Early Political Life

Haughey has become one of the most controversial of all Irish politicians. He started his political career as a councillor before an embarrassing defeat in a by-election to the national parliment. Undaunted he tried again and again and on the fourth attempt, in the 1957 General Election he was elected to Dáil Éireann for the first time as a Fianna Fáil TD. Haughey was offered his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, in 1960 by his father-in-law and Taoiseach, Seán Lemass. As his father-in-law he told him not to accept the offer, however as Taoiseach he fully encouraged him. Haughey accepted, ultimately replacing Oscar Traynor as Minister for Justice later in 1961.

Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician or the "men in the mohair suits" as they came to be known. He regularly socialised with other pioneering Cabinet colleagues such as Donagh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan. In spite of all his faults Haughey proved to be perhaps the best Minister for Justice in Irish history, initiating a scale of legislative reform that was unparallelled, before or since. He introduced important new legislation such as the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives, and the Extradition Act. Haughey also reactivated the Special Criminal Court and helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.

His next portfolio, that of Irish Minister for Agriculture (replacing Paddy Smith, who resigned) proved to be more difficult and less successful. He became embroiled in a series of controversies with the powerful farmers association, however, he still received much publicity and was still a very active minister. In 1966 Haughey served as President Eamon de Valera's director of elections in the 1966 Presidential Election. He successfully convinced the national broadcaster, Radio Telefís Éireann, not to cover the campaign of the rival candidate, Fine Gael's Tom O'Higgins, on the basis that as the then 83-year old Eamon de Valera wasn't campaigning personally, to cover O'Higgins would be unfair. This was a masterstroke on Haughey's behalf because de Valera received a very high public profile as President of Ireland, and as the last survivor of the senior leaders of the Easter Rising during the 50th Anniversary commemoration in 1966. However his campaign went badly wrong, with de Valera only scraping re-election by ten thousand votes out of a total poll of nearly one million. de Valera developed a negative view of Haughey, whom he distrusted and whom he told another minister some years later would destroy Fianna Fáil.

In 1966 the Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, retired as such and as leader of Fianna Fáil. Haughey immediately threw his hat into the ring in a bid to succeed his father-in-law in the upcoming leadership election. George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. In spite of these very able candidates the party in general wasn't satisfied with the choice they were being offered. Some party elders, including Lemass himself, encouraged his Irish Minister for Finance, Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership. Lemass also encouraged Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, however Colley remained in the race. He was easily defeated by Lynch and a Cabinet reshuffle took place. Haughey was bitter about withdrawing from the leadership contest, however he was appointed Minister for Finance, the second most important position in the government. With his accountancy background, his interest in economic affairs and his driving vision the job suited him ideally. Again, Haughey showed a radical, reforming streak. Small scale initiatives caught the public imagination. He presided over an economic boom which saw him increase public spending in his four budgets (1967-1969) and introduce free travel on CIE transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for old age pensioners, special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists.

Arms Crisis

The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey, along with Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, made up the "hawks" in Jack Lynch's government. They favoured a military invasion by the Irish Army into Northern Ireland. This move was strongly resisted by Lynch and the "doves" of his cabinet, George Colley, Brian Lenihan and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. However, Haughey and Blaney were accused of using the money to import arms for use by the IRA. Both ministers were sacked from the government and it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland left Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He knew that he would never achieve the top job of Taoiseach if he left, and so he remained a backbencher for some time and remained loyal to the party but not to its leader.

Political Return

In 1975 Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough political power to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's Front Bench. At the time Lynch was harshly criticised in the media for this, however, there was little else he could do. Haughey was appointed Spokesperson on Health & Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but it was a launching platform for Haughey's grab for power. Two years later in 1977 Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann. Haughey returned to the Cabinet after an absence of seven years as Minister for Health & Social Welfare. One of the most controversial events during his tenure was the introduction of the Family Planning Bill, a piece of legislation which would allow married people to buy contraceptives with a doctors prescription. "An Irish solution to an Irish problem" was how Haughey referred to it himself.

It was also during this period that Lynch began to lose his grasp on the party, the economy faltered and questions were raised about who would succeed him. As well as this a group of backbench TDs began to lobby other TDs in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Jr, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea and Albert Reynolds. In December 1979 he announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire Cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.

Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by many of his Cabinet colleagues but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory action Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over who Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and Defence respectively. However, he was removed from the important position as Minister for Finance. Nonetheless, on December 11, 1979 Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career.

Taoiseach 1979-1981

When Haughey came to power the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, enforcing his own views over the views of the actual minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a speech to the nation on January 9, 1980 in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:

...the figures which are just now becoming available to us show one thing very clearly. As a community we are living away beyond our means...we have been living at a rate which is simply not justifiable by the amount of goods and services we are producing. To make up the difference we have been borrowing enormous amounts of money, borrowing at a rate which just cannot continue. A few simple figures will make this very clear...we will just have to reorganise government spending so that we can only undertake those things we can afford...

While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy he did the exact opposite of what should be done. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981 Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA men for political status. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Fine Gael leader, Garret FitzGerald, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%. Failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil a Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition came to power under FitzGerald and Haughey was in opposition.

It recently came to light that the Allied Irish Bank forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt within days of his becoming Taoiseach. No reason was given for this.

Opposition 1981-1982

FitzGerald's government lasted until January of 1982 when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed to tax children's shoes. FitzGerald, like all Taoisigh who lose a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President from the Fianna Fáil room at Leinster House, something which proved to be hugely controversial because the dissolution of the Dáil is something the President can grant only after consultation with the Taoiseach, certainly not with the opposition parties. In the end, dissolution of the Dáil was granted and a general election was called. The result was inconclusive again, with Fianna Fáil failing to win a majority.

Taoiseach 1982

When Haughey failed to win an overall majority again questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered a deal with the Socialist TD, Tony Gregory, and three Workers' Party TDs which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.

Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, pursued on the populist line yet again. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Des O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion all the same, resigning from the cabinet also. The motion was defeated in an open roll call vote when only 22 anti-Haughey TDs voted against their leader. Not long after this Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party and Tony Gregory withdrew their support of the government over a document called "The Way Forward," a harsh document which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.

During this time Haughey became involved in a scandal which he famously referred to as "grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented".

Opposition 1982-1987

Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tappings of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. (Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD, Clement Coughlan, which caused the momentum in the anti-Haughey faction to drop considerably). Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics. Des O'Malley on the other hand continued the struggle. He was expelled from the parliamentary party in 1984 when he criticised Haughey over his reversal on the New Ireland Forum report. In February 1985 O'Malley was finally expelled from the organisation for refusing the vote with Fianna Fáil against the government's Family Planning Bill. With George Colley dead, O'Malley drummed out of the party and all other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.

In November 1985 the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave the Republic of Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. The document was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it if re-elected. Fianna Fáil was also hit hard when O'Malley set up his own political party, the Progressive Democrats, in December of 1985. Some members of Fianna Fáil left to join and it looked as if it could take some core support away from Haughey and Fianna Fáil. However, Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy were the only Fianna Fáil TDs to defect and Fianna Fáil returned to normal, united behind Haughey.

FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed to win an overall majority again for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory abstained, and Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.

Taoiseach 1987-1992

Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael took the unprecedented move of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The government introduced budget cuts in all departments, and ironically, the cuts were much more severe than when FitzGerald was in power. The actions that were taken by Haughey's government in this period certainly transformed the economy. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.

In late April 1989 Haughey returned from a trip to Japan. However, he returned to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, which would result in Haughey calling a general election. The government was indeed defeated and Haughey, buoyed up by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for June 15. The calling if the election was one of Haughey's biggest political mistakes. Fianna Fáil ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as an 'acting' Taoiseach. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning its "core value" in the overwhelming need to form a government.

Haughey was glad to see the end of 1989, however 1990 was to hold more trouble for Haughey. The first half of the year saw Haughey revel in his role as world statesman when he served as President of the European Community, however the Presidential Election proved to be a major headache for Haughey and Fianna Fáil. Brian Lenihan, the hugely popular Tánaiste, was nominated as the party's candidate. However, during the campaign the controversy over the phone calls the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982 urging the President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling the President and Haughey was forced to sack him from the government in order to save his own position. Worse was to come when Lenihan failed to be elected President, losing the Fianna Fáil stranglehold on the highest office in Ireland.

In April 1990, Haughey became the first Taoiseach since Lemass to visit Belfast, where he gave a speech to the Institute of Directors. Unsurprisingly, four hundred unionists picketed the conference.

Haughey's grip on political power began to start slipping in the autumn of 1991. A series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies and an open declaration by the Minister for Finance, Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey retired. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no confidence motion.

Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television and said that Haughey had known and authorised the phone-tapping. Haughey denied this but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Des O'Malley, the PD leader, that he intended to retire shortly but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.

On January 30, 1992, Haughey officially retired as leader of Fianna Fáil at the parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until February 11 when he was succeeded by the sacked Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted William Butler Yeats and Othello saying, "I have done the state some service, and they know it, no more of that." Haughey now returned to the backbenches before retiring completely from politics at the 1992 General Election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at that election in his father's old constituency.

Retirement

Haughey's retirement has been anything but smooth for the former Taoiseach. A series of political, financial and personal scandals have tarnished his image and reputation in recent years. In the late 1990s the public were shocked to hear revelations about his extravagent private life. At the Moriarty Tribunal it was revealed that Haughey received more than £8 million over an 18-year period from various benefactors and businessmen. One payment alone of £1.3 million came from the entrepreneur Ben Dunne. He was severely ridiculed when he was found out to have spent large sums of Fianna Fáil party money on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy. While giving evidence at the tribunal Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the tribunal, and also faced an angry crowd at Dublin Castle where his wrongdoings came to light.

In May 1999 it was revealed that Haughey had conducted a 27-year relationship with the gossip columnist, Terry Keane. Keane appeared on the live RTÉ chat show, "The Late Late Show", and exposed Haughey's extra-marital infedility. For years Keane had hinted in her newspaper column that she had been enjoying the company of a man she referred to as "Sweetie," however, now she finally admitted that it was Haughey. The whole incident on the television programme shocked the audience as well as Seán Haughey, who was watching the show at his home. The former Taoiseach's wife, Maureen Haughey, was also said to have been deeply hurt by the debacle.

Media reports in May 2003 suggested that Haughey, who had been diagnosed with advanced (presumably) terminal prostate cancer in 1995, had suffered a major sudden decline in health. His family members flew back from abroad to join his family at Haughey's bedside in a Dublin hospital, however, his health improved and the health scare ended. He still continues his battle with cancer. In August, 2003 it was revealed that Haughey, facing demands to pay millions of euro in back taxes on undeclared income, had to sell his large Georgian residence and estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin. It was reported that the deal would net Haughey €35 million before tax. The developers who purchased the site plan to turn his home into a hotel and build houses on the surrounding agricultural land, however this plan has run into planning difficulties. Haughey will however continue to own his own private island, Inishvickillane, one of the famed Blasket Islands.

Now in the final years of his life Haughey remains a controversial figure. His legacy is very difficult to define. He is considered one of the most efficient and effective cabinet ministers in the history of the state, however his financial and political misdemeanours have overshadowed his status. His former rival and former Taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald, has said that Haughey had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh the country ever had, however, his preoccupation with wealth and power clouded his judgement. His budget cutting measures after 1987 transformed the economy and paved the way for an unprecedented decade of economic boom and the Celtic Tiger era of the late 1990s. He is still reviled by many for his corrupt ways, although the town of Dingle retains an unusually strong affinity towards him.

Haughey's First Government, December 1979-June 1981

Changes

Haughey's Second Government, March 1982-December 1982

Changes

Haughey's Third Government, March 1987-May 1989

Changes

  • March 19, 1987: The functions of the Minister for the Public Service are transferred to the Minister for Finance.
  • March 20, 1987: The title of the Department of Public Service changes to the Department of Tourism & Transport. Ray MacSharry effectively takes on the Tourism & Transport portfolio. On the same day the title of the Department of Tourism, Fisheries & Forestry changes to the Department of the Marine
  • March 31, 1987: John P. Wilson becomes the new Minister for Tourism & Transport. Ray Burke takes over the Communications portfolio. On the same day the title of the Department of Agriculture changes to the Department of Agriculture & Food.
  • November 24, 1988: Albert Reynolds becomes the new Minister for Finance following Ray MacSharry's departure from the government. Ray Burke takes over as Minister for Industry & Commerce. Michael Smith joins the government as Minister for Energy.

Haughey's Fourth Government, May 1989-February 1992

Changes

Political Career


Preceded by:
Newly Created Office
Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice
1959–1961
Succeeded by:
Brian Lenihan
Preceded by:
Oscar Traynor
Minister for Justice
1961–1964
Preceded by:
Patrick Smith
Minister for Agriculture
1964–1966
Succeeded by:
Neil Blaney
Preceded by:
Jack Lynch
Minister for Finance
1966–1970
Succeeded by:
George Colley
Preceded by:
Brendan Corish
Minister for Health
1977–1979
Succeeded by:
Michael Woods
Minister for Social Welfare
1977–1979
Preceded by:
Jack Lynch
Leader of the Fianna Fáil Party
1979–1992
Succeeded by:
Albert Reynolds
Taoiseach
1979–1981
Succeeded by:
Garret FitzGerald
Preceded by:
Garret FitzGerald
Taoiseach
1982
Preceded by:
Garret FitzGerald
Taoiseach
1987–1992
Succeeded by:
Albert Reynolds



Taoisigh na hÉireann
Prime Ministers of Ireland
Irish Government Buildings

Eamon de Valera | John A. Costello | Seán Lemass | Jack Lynch | Liam Cosgrave | Charles Haughey | Garret FitzGerald | Albert Reynolds | John Bruton | Bertie Ahern


Previous prime ministerial offices under earlier constitutions

Príomh Aire 1919—1921 Cathal Brugha | Eamon de Valera
President of the Irish Republic 1921—1922 Eamon de Valera | Arthur Griffith
Chairman of the Provisional Government 1922 Michael Collins | W.T. Cosgrave
President of the Executive Council 1922—1937 W.T. Cosgrave | Eamon de Valera

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